In My Top Ten President “Biographies” I included “Coolidge” by Amity Shlaes. As a follow-up Ms. Shlaes has worked with Matthew Denhart to produce an annotated version of Calvin Coolidge’s autobiography. I recommend reading this version of his autobiography.
As originally written, Coolidge makes several references that make it difficult to fully understand the context of what he is writing about. Shlaes and Denhart do a nice job of explaining the more arcane entries without going overboard with footnotes and commentary. In this way, they allow the 30th President’s narrative to flow smoothly and for the reader to focus on enjoying and getting to know Coolidge.
This not a long work. Indeed, the autobiography can be read in about 3 hours. So, it is at the opposite end of the spectrum from Bill Clinton’s “My Life” which weighs in at about 1000 pages. This seems wholly appropriate when comparing and contrasting the notoriously taciturn Coolidge with the, uh, loquacious Clinton.
Coolidge’s book is not what I would call a page-turner. His style, as one would expect, is simple and direct. Without seeming overly focused on posterity, Coolidge comfortably transports the reader back to a time when politics seemed more honorable, less partisan and, almost innocent. I did find myself vacillating between thinking Coolidge was genuinely in awe of the fact that he, of all people, ended up in the White House versus speculating that he was extremely cagey behind a façade of New England country boy. Undoubtedly, the truth was somewhere in the middle, as always.
Irrespective of his true nature, Coolidge delivered a succinct portrait of his life. His narrative is, to be sure, filled with plenty of bromides regarding the American Dream, the importance of hard work, the necessity of thrift, etc. but it also delivers some beautiful or insightful prose that is unusual in the realm of Presidential biography. For example, his description of his mother and her early death moved me to tears not only because of the subject, but because of the imagery he invoked.
He discusses the moral aspect of not attacking an opponent but also highlights the practical political strategy of not providing a platform for his adversary when he advocates “a silence which avoids creating a situation where one would otherwise not exist, and the bad taste and the danger of arousing animosities and advertising an opponent by making any attack on him.” Since Coolidge appears to never have lost an election, modern politicians might consider his approach…
While Coolidge was not immune to lapses of ego, he made it clear that humility is critical to a successful Presidency. “When a man begins to feel that he is the only one who can lead in this republic, he is guilty of treason to the spirit of our institutions.” He may not have been perfect but he appears to have spent little time boasting of his accomplishments as has become all too common among our leaders.
Surprisingly, Coolidge spends very little time on the actual events of his Presidency. Instead, and of more value, there is a full chapter where he details the duties and the typical day of the President. He clearly was a master of “work-life balance.” His list of daily activities is almost exhausting standing alone but the list is interspersed with tips for delegation and personal renewal. One gets the impression that being busy was more second nature than burden for Coolidge.
As I said about Amity Shlaes’ biography of Coolidge, it is no mean feat to make Coolidge interesting because he seemed so committed to not being of great interest. But, like Ms. Shlaes’ work, his autobiography captures a President that a lot of us would like to see come around again.
Finally, I share my favorite passage from Coolidge’s autobiography and one of my favorite passages from any Presidential inaugural speech.
From his autobiography, he writes about politicians, singling out neither Republicans or Democrats:
“Although I have been associated with it for many years, I always found difficulty in understanding [the political mind]. It is a strange mixture of vanity and timidity, of an obsequious attitude at one time and a delusion of grandeur at another time, of the most selfish preferment combined with the most sacrificing patriotism. The political mind is the product of men in public life who have been twice spoiled. They have been spoiled with praise and spoiled with abuse. With them nothing is natural, everything is artificial. A few rare souls escape these influences and maintain a vision and a judgment unimpaired. They are a great comfort to every President and a great service to their country. But they are not sufficient in number so that public business can be transacted like a private business.”
From his 1925 inaugural speech, also written by Coolidge (he was one of the last Presidents to write his own speeches). :
“I favor the policy of economy, not because I wish to save money, but because I wish to save people. The men and women of this country who toil are the ones who bear the cost of the Government. Every dollar that we carelessly waste means that their life will be so much the more meager. Every dollar that we prudently save means that their life will be so much the more abundant. Economy is idealism in its most practical form.
If extravagance were not reflected in taxation, and through taxation both directly and indirectly injuriously affecting the people, it would not be of so much consequence. The wisest and soundest method of solving our tax problem is through economy. Fortunately, of all the great nations this country is best in a position to adopt that simple remedy. We do not any longer need wartime revenues. The collection of any taxes which are not absolutely required, which do not beyond reasonable doubt contribute to the public welfare, is only a species of legalized larceny. Under this republic the rewards of industry belong to those who earn them. The only constitutional tax is the tax which ministers to public necessity. The property of the country belongs to the people of the country. Their title is absolute. They do not support any privileged class; they do not need to maintain great military forces; they ought not to be burdened with a great array of public employees. They are not required to make any contribution to Government expenditures except that which they voluntarily assess upon themselves through the action of their own representatives. Whenever taxes become burdensome a remedy can be applied by the people; but if they do not act for themselves, no one can be very successful in acting for them.
The time is arriving when we can have further tax reduction, when, unless we wish to hamper the people in their right to earn a living, we must have tax reform. The method of raising revenue ought not to impede the transaction of business; it ought to encourage it. I am opposed to extremely high rates, because they produce little or no revenue, because they are bad for the country, and, finally, because they are wrong. We can not finance the country, we can not improve social conditions, through any system of injustice, even if we attempt to inflict it upon the rich. Those who suffer the most harm will be the poor. This country believes in prosperity. It is absurd to suppose that it is envious of those who are already prosperous. The wise and correct course to follow in taxation and all other economic legislation is not to destroy those who have already secured success but to create conditions under which every one will have a better chance to be successful. The verdict of the country has been given on this question. That verdict stands. We shall do well to heed it.
These questions involve moral issues. We need not concern ourselves much about the rights of property if we will faithfully observe the rights of persons. Under our institutions their rights are supreme. It is not property but the right to hold property, both great and small, which our Constitution guarantees. All owners of property are charged with a service. These rights and duties have been revealed, through the conscience of society, to have a divine sanction. The very stability of our society rests upon production and conservation. For individuals or for governments to waste and squander their resources is to deny these rights and disregard these obligations. The result of economic dissipation to a nation is always moral decay.”